THE RER BRAVA AND SHANGAMAS TUNNIS FROM SOMALIA

PREPARED BY
THE INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL PARTNERSHIPS
IN COLLABORATION WITH
FOUZIA MUSSE

REPRINTS AVAILABLE
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

RER BRAVA AND SHANGAMAS REFUGEES
THE TUNNIS OF SOMALIA

SUMMARY

In early 1996, United Nation High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Kenya recommended that the refugees living in the Hatimy camp for resettlement to the United States. Interviews and processing began shortly thereafter, and approximately 4,500 Somali refugees, mostly from the Tunni clan (Rer Brava and Shangamas) who had lived in the Benadir region of Somalia, were approved for resettlement to the U.S. In addition to the Tunnis, there are also a small number of Ashrafs who are from another clan. These refugees are expected to begin arriving as early as March, 1997 and as many as 4,000 are planned to be resettled by September 30, 1997, the end of this federal fiscal year.

Prior to departure, each refugee is to receive a medical screening and any required medical treatment, particularly for tropical and parasitic diseases. All necessary vaccinations are expected to be given prior to departure. The national voluntary agencies are now selecting sites for resettlement throughout the country. Priority will be given to areas where there are compatible Somali communities. As noted in this profile, these refugees are a minority Somali community who have a number of cultural and religious traditions distinct from many other Somali groups.

This profile was prepared in collaboration with Fouzia Musse, a Somali native who has worked in community development projects for more than 12 years. She worked for the UNHCR and served in Kenya with Somali refugees from 1993-95. This cultural profile, the second in a series distributed by the Institute of Cultural Partnerships, was developed to assist in the resettlement of newly arriving refugees with cultural traditions that are not well known or understood in this country.

Some information has already been distributed about the Rer Brava or Barawan refugees. The Somali clan structure is very complex; this profile attempts to present a reasonably complete and accurate overview of the basic clan structure as it relates to this particular refugee population. The section on clan description was not intended as a definitive ethnographic description of these Somali clan. A reader may find differing interpretations of this Tunni clan structure. To limit confusion resulting from differing nomenclature and spellings, we have tried to note a number of these differences. In working with a number of people knowledgeable of the Somali people, ICP has tried to meld some of the different interpretations of ethnic and clan distinctions into an overall document that offers practitioners in the resettlement some cultural signposts and guidance in the resettlement of this new group of Somali refugees.

In this profile, these new Somali refugees are generally referred to as Tunnis. For most part, they will be members of the Rer Brava or Shangamas sub-clans of a larger Somali clan called Tunni. As described in this profile, these two sub-clans represent two distinct communities. In our view, unless one is very familiar with their background, it may be easier, safer and less confusing to refer to this refugee population as Tunni. Further clan distinctions, if they are desired, may be suggested by the Somali refugees themselves.

These newly arriving refugees are from the Benadir region, or Benadir coast as it is often called. However, while they are from this coastal region of Somalia, it is not correct to refer to them as Benadir or Benadiri. Generally, the designation of Benadiri is reserved for certain groups of Somalis who are from this particular region but who are not associated with one of the larger clans of Greater Somalia. (such as Tunni). The Rer Brava and Shangamas prefer to be identified with either their specific community, or as Tunni. This profile also uses Rer Brava, the full name of this Somali community. This is considered more respectful of the clan name: Rer, means people so Rer Brava are the people of Brava. Just Brava, Bravan or Barawan (Somali for Brava) is considered by many Rer Brava as slang and disrespectful to the people of Brava. To some it carries a negative connotation particularly when used by other Somalis.

For consistency, this profile will use the generally accepted English spelling of Somali words. For example, Reer Barawan is the Somali equivalent of the English Rer Brava. This profile may use historic cultural patterns that the writers and contributors feel are helpful in understanding current cultural norms and behaviors. Some of these historic patterns should be viewed as generalizations and, therefore, may or may not be applicable to individual Somali refugees coming to the U.S. This is important since this population, like many refugee populations, is in transition due to violent and traumatic upheavals, then years of living in refugee camps and, now, permanent resettlement to a new and strange country. For the most part, we discuss cultural norms in the profile that are reflective, in general, of current day Tunni society.

THE POPULATION: CLAN DESCRIPTIONS

Benadir

The term Benadir originated from Persian word bender (port) and refers to the geographical areas of the southern coastal area, including the towns of Warshiekh, Mogadishu, Merka, and Brava. Thus, populations who live in these major towns are collectively referred to as Benadir. While Benadir is a geograghic designation, the term is also often used to define a number of smaller Somali ethnic communities who have little or no clan connection to the major clans that live in the interior land or, what is referred to as, the greater Somalia. Such communities include the Ashrafs (descendent from Prophet Muhammad) and Rer Hamar who inhabit a series of towns along the coast of the Indian Ocean. Many of the Benadir Somali refugees resettled in the U.S. in 1996 were from these particular groups. Additional Ashrafs refugees are expected to arrive with the Rer Brava refugees in this latest group of arrivals from Somalia.

The Tunni Clan

While it is correct to identify some Somali refugees as Benadir, many of the ethnic communities living in this region do have ties to one of a number of the greater Somali clans. Many of these people will identify themselves with a specific clan and not necessarily as Benadir. Rer Brava, for example, are a people with specific clan ties to the greater Somali clan called Tunni and they will identify themselves as Rer Brava or Tunni. The greater Tunni clan consists of Todobo Tol (7 clans) which has two major divisions that characterize their distinct origins. The basic clan structure is shown below.

The Rer Brava and the Shangamas

Rer Brava are a distinct ethnic Somali minority from Brava Town which is located along the southern coast of Somalia. Like many communities of the East African coast, Rer Brava are a complex population blending African and non-African origins. Rer Brava people are sometimes referred to as Bravan or Barawan. Ethnically, the Rer Brava are part of the greater Somali clan of Tunni. Rer Brava are also part of what is collectively known and described as the Benadir communities.

The Shangamas is a strong and powerful Tunni clan who share the same language, culture and genealogy of other Somali clans living in the interior of the country. The Shangamas are primarily a agricultural people who inhabit the interior lands near Brava Town. They do not consider themselves as Benadir or from the Benadir region. The Rer Brava, on the other hand, are a distinct blend of Somali and non-Somali origins (Arab, Persian, Swahili) and differ linguistically and culturally from the Shangamas clans.

Although this can not be taken as an absolute, one can often differentiate these sub-clans according to their physical features. The Shangamas people look like African Somalis of brown and/or dark skin while the Rer Brava have a lighter skin, more similar to the complexion of Arabs. The Rer Brava are mercantile people whose life has centered around buying and selling commodities for import and export. They also engage in fishing and production of renowned Somali sandals (Kabo Baravo). According to oral history, the relationship between these two Tunni clans, the more rural Shangamas and the Rer Brava, is a symbiotic one that has served and promoted the interests of both communities over the centuries.

The Ashrafs

Included with this group of refugees are a small number of Ashrafs who have lived for generations with the Rer Brava. Ashrafs are technically not Tunni, but anything attributed culturally to Rer Brava in this profile may also be attributed to Ashrafs since the two have a very strong cultural similarities. The Ashraf comprise religious scholars and mercantile families who hold a special position among other Somali clans (in terms of prestige and holiness) because of their affiliation with Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. Refugees who are Ashafs may or may not distinguish themselves as such.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

Volags should note that these resettling refugees are a combination of mostly Rer Brava and Shangamas. Somali clan and sub-clan designations and relationships are very complex. In this text we will refer to the Rer Brava and Shangamas generally as Tunnis to reduce confusion over the clan issues. Where necessary in the profile, these two major sub-clans of the Tunnis will be referred to separately.

Although this resettlement program is identified as a Somali Bravan resettlement program, the local volags should note that not all refugees are from the Rer Brava clan. (As noted previously, it is more respectful to use Rer Brava and not Brava or Bravan.) Since a large number of these refugees are members of one of the five Shangamas clans, it may be easier and safer to refer them as Tunni refugees unless one is sure of the clan membership or the refugees themselves make a further distinction.

GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY

The majority of the Rer Brava refugees had previously lived in Brava town. Only a small number of them are from other coastal towns such Mogadishu, Merka, Kismayo and Malindi and Mombasa in Kenya. This area is generally flat and typical of other East African coastal regions. The climate is tropical as the region lies close to the equator. There are two rainy seasons, called Gu’ Haga, each year (June and September). Before the civil war the population of Brava Town was about 30,000 people. The town has a small port that allows traditionally-made dhows (small trading vessels) and fishing boats to anchor. A small number of these locally crafted dhows and other boats are driven with modern motor engines, while the majority of them use only sails. The port operates according to season. The port closes during the Gu’ Haga season when the sea is rough. When the monsoon winds are drifting towards the south, Rer Brava engage in trade activities with East African coastal towns such Mombasa (Kenya), Zanzibar (Tanzania). When the monsoon winds are drifting towards the north, the traders travel as far as the Gulf of Arabia, India and Pakistan.

Historically, the Rer Brava, like other Benadir communities, have traditions of dhow trade with Arabia, India and the Far East. Such trade declined during the intervention of Europeans forces in East Africa. It went into further decline when the last Somali central government put overseas trade under tight state control and regulated import-export commodities prices. Similarly, the fishing activities of Rer Brava were subject to state cooperative systems that had a communist doctrine. This devastated the interest of many families who had engaged in fishing for generations in order to broaden their sources of income.

The Shangamas people are primarily an agriculture and farming society who inhabit the interior lands near Brava town. They cultivate corn, sorghum, bean, tobacco, and a variety of tropical fruits and vegetables along the Shabelle river. The Shangamas women are the backbone of the agricultural activities in the family. They care and manage sheep and goats for food and to sell at the market. Shangamas men predominately herd camels and cows and engage in seasonal migration in search of water and pasture. They also have a history of serving as the warriors for the entire Tunni clan.

HISTORY OF TUNNI REFUGEES IN KENYA

In 1991, when the civil war erupted in Somalia, two major Somali clans, the Darod and Hawiyye, battled fiercely for the control of Brava Town and the rest of Tunni lands in the interior. The Darod faction had its base in Kismayo on the south of Brava Town while the Hawiyye clan’s home base was Mogadishu, located in the north. Thus, Brava Town became a strategic objective that the warring factions tried to capture. Control of the town and its surrounding areas swapped between these factions numerous times until the Hawiyye, late in 1992, finally succeeded in establishing its authority.

During this period, the Tunni people in this region suffered severely from looting of their properties, abduction, rape and killing of women and children. As a result of this awful experience, Tunnis, now refugees of war, sought refuge in Kenya. They fled to towns like Mombasa and Malindi in Kenya, using unsafe dhows and fishing boats, endangering their lives in these crafts by overcrowding them. Several boats capsized during these journeys and hundreds of people died before they reached the shores of Kenya.

Because of their commercial and linguistic ties to East Africa, upon arrival in Kenya, the Rer Brava people easily assimilated into Kenyan communities. Many of them avoided settlement in camps designated for Somali refugees. However, this was not the case for other Tunni people such as Shangamas clans. Through negotiation with United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Mombasa city council headed by a Kenyan Mayor of Rer Brava ethnicity, Tunni clan members succeeded in negotiating the establishment of two new and separate camps (Hatimy and St. Anne). Note that Hatimy is also the name of an influential and powerful sub-clan of Rer Brava that has had historical, cultural and economic ties with Kenyan coastal towns.

The positive reception that the Tunni refugees received from Mombasa communities allowed them to recover from the trauma of war and revive their commercial activities. However, this recovery was shortened and tremendously preempted by the negative political climates in Kenya. A strong anti-Somali feeling developed where once strong ties, commercially and, to some degree, culturally, prevailed. Tunni people became subject to arbitrary arrests and detentions for being illegal aliens even though they possessed valid refugee documents issued by the UNHCR. They were also prohibited from business activities, denying them the opportunity to become self sufficient. Eventually, the Rer Brava were forced into the refugee camps in Kenya.

In 1993, as hostility towards Somali refugees increased, the Kenya government called the UNHCR to close all the coastal refugee camps, including the Hatimy and St. Anne camps which housed the Tunni people. When diplomatic negotiations between the UN and the Kenyan government became fruitless in 1994, the Tunni refugees were given options of repatriation to Somalia or relocation to Dadaab (another Somali clan) refugee camps located along the interior border between Somalia and Kenya. The Tunni people refused to take either of the options, thus forcing the UNHCR to review their refugee status.

After reviewing the entire situation as well as the concern expressed by Tunni leaders, the UNHCR agreed that neither repatriation nor relocation was acceptable. Since both the Tunni agricultural land and Brava Town in Somalia were still under the control of the Hawiyye clan, conditions for Tunni repatriation were not favorable. Moreover, the Dadaab refugee camps are inhabited by Somali clans who allegedly committed vicious crimes against the Tunni people while in Somalia.

In early 1996, UNHCR office in Kenya recommended the refugees living in Hatimy camp for resettlement in the United States under the Priority One Program (POP). This recommendation was the second one made by the UNHCR in Kenya for minority Somali clans at risk. The first recommendation was made in 1995 for Benadiri Somali refugees (Rer Hamer/Ashraf) in Swaleh Ngure camp in Mombasa, Kenya, who now are living in the U.S.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

The Tunnis, in particular the Rer Brava, may complain about living in the same community with other Somali clans, African-American and Hispanics. Similar complaints were noted from Benadir who are now resettled in the U.S. The lack of diversity in their Brava town communities, as well as perhaps some race and clan issues, may be the primary cause for these housing and neighborhood preferences. It is important that volags provide an appropriate orientation to the resettling refugee regarding living in diverse U.S. neighborhoods.

The volags should be careful of how they use Somali translators from other Somali clans. It is not that these translators cannot be objective in delivering services for this minority group; it is rather from a residual hatred and anger dating prior to and during the civil war. Please note that Rer Brava may distance themselves from the Somalis (including those of other Tunni clans such as the Shangamas). A similar situation was noted during the resettlement of Benadir refugees in the U.S. who share similar cultural identity to the Rer Brava.

TUNNI SOCIETY AND FAMILY

The Tunnis (Rer Brava and Shangamas) are a patrilineal society possessing strong family ties that extend beyond the nuclear family of husband, wife and children. Distant cousins, clan relatives and even members from another sub-clans can be counted as family members. On some occasions family members are defined as those who share a common shelter and at least eat meals together regardless of their blood relations. Tunnis find it cumbersome to make distinctions between a sibling, a half sibling and a cousin unless specific reasons require exact parental relationships. For example, a cousin may be presented as a sister according to the Tunni custom. Similarly, the Tunnis highly revere and respect the elders (non-blood) in their society. Because of this, elders also assume the role of parent as situations warrant.

As a Muslim society, the Tunni clan does acknowledge polygamous marriages, even though only a small portion of its members actually practice this custom. Marriage between cousins is prevalent within Rer Brava society as a way of preserving a distinct ethnicity in relation to other Somali communities. As a result of this, inter-marriages between members of Rer Brava and other Somalis is generally not accepted or approved by the two communities.

The family size of rural Tunni people (the Shangamas) is relatively smaller than the urban Tunni people (the Rer Brava). Low birth instances relate directly to migration practices of Shangamas men of this agri-pastoral society. Shangamas men are away from the community for many months out of the year pursuing agricultural and economic activities. Likewise, the health infrastructure that was available in urban setting such as Brava town promotes lower infant mortality rates among the Rer Brava.

Civil war and starvation was the main cause of death for large numbers of the Tunnis as they fled from their traditional homelands into Kenya. However, their numbers began increasing during their stay (1991-1997) in the refugee camps where refugee authorities, at certain times, documented 50-75 new born babies each month in a population of 3,000-4,000 refugees.

The social welfare of Tunni children became the business of all clan members. Children who lost both parents are taken care of by near relatives (grand parents, aunts and uncles) as well as distant clan relatives. This eliminates the need for foster care or adoption for children made "parentless" by war and civil strife. Sometimes, children who lose their fathers are referred to as orphans. This term often confuses westerners working with Tunni people. Somalis use two different words to describe the loss of each parent: agoon, for loss of father and rajo for loss of mother. Combinations of both terms apply when both parent are deceased. Having no English equivalent to these words forced Tunni people use the word orphan. In Islamic tradition, such children are cared for by the broader society until they reach eighteen years of age (called aqli) or older.

In some instances, women who lost their husbands are inherited by brothers or cousins of their husbands. This practice becomes common in times of war and is officially recognized only when the widowed woman consents.

The Tunni clan elders are vested with the highest authority and enjoy strong community loyalty. In the refugee camps, the clan elders' authority had been reduced to a de facto status. A functional role for these elders has been to help serve as a bridge between the clan and service providers.

Although it may seem that Somali women are marginalized by this system, they do have significant control over decisions made within family units. The role of women in the Tunni society combines that of the traditional urban and rural cultures. In urban culture, women of Rer Brava are secluded at early stages of their lives (beginning at the age of eight) and they wear a black veil known as bui-bui in East African communities.

Women are generally prohibited from traveling and interacting with men (except those within the nucleur family). They engage in no social or economic activities outside their home. However, almost all women maintain home businesses and make tremendous contributions to household economy: production of processed food sold at the market of Brava Town (now done in the refugee camps) and knitted clothes (especially Brava hats) are exclusively women's domain. Moreover, a number of women run import and export businesses through hired agents (men and male children).

Some of the Shangamas women also partake in similar home-based economic activities as the Rer Brava women. The majority of Shangamas women from rural areas do not practice seclusion and are openly visible in the market and elsewhere. They control the sales of agricultural and livestock products (milk, meat, ghee, vegetable, and grains etc.) that the Shangamas produce in the rural areas. Unlike Rer Brava women, they also openly interact with men and have no restrictions on travel.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

The Tunni refugees have limited or no knowledge about western culture. There are only a handful of Tunni immigrants in the U.S. who could facilitate and assist in smooth transition from Somalia/Kenya to the US. Sponsoring and help agencies must therefore establish links with Benadiri (Rer Hamer) families, wherever they are located. Both of these communities are congenial. This relationship stems from perhaps common ancestors and a long trading history.

Volags should expect large family size similar to those of the Benadiri. As described above, family members are not necessarily those from a nuclear family. Upon arrival, and in the near future, the family structures may change as adult non-nuclear family members establish their lives in other areas of the United States. The problems of raising and supporting large families here in the U.S. will need to be discussed and emphasized by the resettlement agencies.

Children are likely to adopt western culture readily and in a shorter period of time compared to their adult parents. As a result, conflict may be created between parents and children. In reacting to departure from customary cultural behaviors, some parents will resort to traditional forms of corporeal punishment with full approval from the community. Parents will need to be given an orientation on child welfare laws and systems in the U.S., and the roles that schools, doctors, neighbors and welfare agencies play in children's lives.

Since the U.S. immigration officials require legal documents for adopted children, some families will have claimed non-blood related children as their own on their papers. Volags may need to play a more active role in helping some parents resolve some of these family relationship issues.

Tunni elders have great respect among these refugees and circumventing the authority of the elders may serve to jeopardize the good will of the volags and service providers even when it is done in good faith. Volags will at times need to consult and get the consent of Tunni elders before they engage in providing services that target women and children. One way of doing this is to include elders and male heads of household in early discussions and planning of this services. By not doing this, volags will encounter difficulties in assisting needy women and children.

The Tunni refugees from Kenya have witnessed a great deal of Kenyan police brutality, arbitrary arrest and detention that led many to develop fear of any police force. It is recommended that volags give orientation on the role of police in the U.S. so that the refugees can learn to avail themselves of the assistance police and public safety organizations provide for local communities.

The Tunni refugees are not necessarily accustomed to banking and saving services available in the U.S. Tunni women, in particular, will need education, instruction and training to learn about the services banks offer. They will need special assistance with financial management and budgeting. Specifically, most of these refugees will have to learn how to manage day-to-day money matters in an economic system that does not recognize barter or other traditional forms of commerce. This aspect of resettlement will be critical for refugees in the first six months of getting acclimated to life in the United States.

LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION

In general, the Tunnis speak the May dialect of the Somali language. However, some Rer Brava, particularly women, may speak little or no Somali language. The primary language spoken at homes of Rer Brava is Chimini, a dialect of the Ki-Swahili language mixed with Somali words. Only few will speak English and/or Italian. A number of Rer Brava do speak Arabic.

While in Somalia, the Tunnis had access to the two most common educational systems in Somalia. The formal system of public schools (up to grade 12), and the informal system made up of private Koranic religious schools. The children attended these religious schools from four to fourteen years of age. In the formal education system, Somali language has been the language of instruction for the past two decades, replacing the colonial languages of Italian and English. At the university level, instruction is still primarily in Italian and English.

The informal Koranic education curriculum includes reading, writing and recitation of 114 chapters of the Koran written in Arabic. Recitation does not reflect an understanding of Arabic, although children do gain some knowledge of Arabic due to these rote exercises. In Brava town, the instructors are mainly Rer Brava women while among the Shangamas, men serve that function.

Despite the availability of formal education, many Tunnis, especially the Shangamas community, do not send their children to school. If formal schooling is elected, preference is generally given to sending only male children. Most children begin working at early ages by helping their families with the farming, herding and family commerce activities. While working, children will still spend some time attending Koranic school. In the past, the survival needs of the family and community had taken priority over schooling needs for the children. The majority of Rer Brava women who attend formal schools stop as they near puberty, as they are required to be secluded. Only few Tunni people go on to university level educations. The majority of these are Rer Brava men.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

It is recommended that Somali translators have knowledge of the Ki-Swahili language. Many Rer Brava people, in particular the women, may speak little or no Somali language. As mentioned earlier, most Rer Brava speak Chimini that has its roots as a dialect of Ki-Swahili. Finding Chimini speakers will be very difficult. Almost all of these resettling groups learned to speak Ki-Swahili during their 6 year stay in Kenya. Their familiarity with Chimini makes Ki-Swahili one of the best channels of communication here in the U.S. Many children are taught English at schools in the refugee camps, but their competency may be minimal.

In the refugee camp, parents were seen sending their female children to school even when they were near puberty age. Girls were happy to attend and wore appropriate traditional clothes including a veil to cover their body. Perhaps the lack of privacy in the camps (one tent per family and communal toilets), contributed to this change in the practice of seclusion. This departure from traditional practices may possibly reverse itself once the refugees arrive in the U.S. where they will have the privacy of their own homes.

Volags should help refugee parents to understand U.S. laws concerning compulsory school attendance for children. Volags should make the school administrators aware of the traditional dress of the Tunni girls so they are not alienated or isolated at school.

Women may return to seclusion practices and may refrain from attending English as Second Languages (ESL) classes. One way to overcome the latter may be to develop linkages to local mosques which have ESL classes. The use of in-house tutors to teach groups of Muslim women while at traditional gatherings, such as teas, may prove successful. This concept is being piloted in some areas through funding from IRSA.

RELIGION

The Tunnis are Sunni Muslims of the Shafi'ite rite who practice and adhere to Muslim laws and customs. The Rer Brava are religiously observant and conservative in their practices. They are more knowledgeable on religious issues than the majority of other Somalis. Brava Town is one of the best known centers where Somalis from the interior seek religious education. Moreover, Tunni people are venerated for having produced highly respected scholars and sheikhs (both males and females) and their tombs are now pilgrimage sites for Somalis.

Tunnis have a deep knowledge of the Koran and the traditions of Prophet Muhammad. They are not known to have any affiliation with fundamentalist groups that are becoming widespread in other Somali communities. Moreover, the Tunnis have strong tolerance of other religions and are unlikely to get involved with conflicts on religious issues.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

The practice of religion should not create a major resettlement issue. It is recommended that volags provide information about religious schools and mosques in their respective areas. Linking the Tunnis with Somalis or other Muslims who live in their area will help facilitate adequate discussion of their religious needs.

Most of the Tunnis will follow strict Muslim dietary laws. They will not consume any pork or products that have alcohol. They may be relaxed on the issue of properly slaughtered (halal) meat. Nevertheless, volags should help identify kosher or halal meat availability in their neighborhood. Linking with Somalis or other Muslims will facilitate helping new arrivals get acquainted with available foods in their area.

OCCUPATIONS, SKILLS AND EMPLOYMENT

The Tunnis are very enterprising and entrepreneurial. While in Somalia, the majority of them have been self employed, working in the private sector economy. Only a few of them had employment with the governmental or public sector. Commerce (import and export of goods) and small scale business are two leading occupations in which the Rer Brava had engaged. They are also known for production of the famous Somali sandals on a large scale. On the other hand, the Shangamas lead the production of agricultural and livestock products.

The economic activities of the Tunnis in Somali are established and managed through family networks. Boys are recruited at very young ages (8-9) and are put through apprenticeships in the family or a relative’s business. As they get older, they are expected to take over the businesses. Only a handful of non-family members are recruited to manage family businesses.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

Once they achieve adequate competence in English, the volags should help the Tunnis explore micro-enterprise opportunities in the U.S. Many Tunni women have entrepreneurial skill; it is thus important that volags identify it and assist them in continuing important economic activities that help to sustain their family. Most likely, Tunnis will want to provide monetary support for those relatives still in Somalia.

Orientation to working in a diverse work place will be important. As noted, many Tunnis, in particular Rer Brava, have little or no experience in dealing with a multi-ethnic society and work place. Diversity training should be incorporated within any micro-enterprise courses that may be available in various locations throughout the country. This will help in developing and expanding markets for their goods.

CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS AND ARTS

Tunni customs and traditions are similar to those of many other East African and Muslim groups. While the Rer Brava adhere strictly to Islamic customs such as the segregation of men and woman, the Shangamas clans have no such practices. Nevertheless, they share common practices that have origins in both Islamic and African traditions. For example, marriage, divorce, and inheritance are all dealt with both sharia (Islamic law) and customary African laws. Tunnis celebrate Islamic festivals such a Idd, as well as maintain African traditions such as harvest dances.

Many Tunni customs and traditions give protection and benefits to women. At the same time these practices have marginalized and curtailed the women's position in Somali society. Rer Brava women are forbidden to operate public places such as markets and can only come out of their homes with male escorts from their families. Moreover, the women are not allowed employment in non-traditional occupations even when they have legitimate reasons of wanting to work outside their homes.

In 1975, the Somali government introduced family laws that empowered Somali women and gave them greater control over their lives. These laws, incorporated within the constitution, were counter to those traditions and customs that determined the women’s status under Islamic laws. Many women, including Tunni women, took advantage of the new family laws. For example, female girls continued their education while avoiding seclusion. Similarly it gave older women a say in their marriages, divorce and inheritance. However, after the fall of the Somali government in 1991, the trend began to reverse back to where it was prior to 1975. The ebb and flow of women’s rights has had an effect on all Somali society. Today, refugee services providers may only be able to reach Tunni women through their male elders even if the issue to be discussed is only of concern to women.

Tunnis have both rich oral traditions as well as material folk traditions. Poetry is at the core of many oral traditions, carrying the historical messages (political and social) of the community. Moreover the Tunnis are known to have strong religious poetry. Tunnis make various craft items in addition to the traditional Somali sandals that have been a distinction of the Rer Brava people for centuries.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

Rer Brava women will be expected to wear traditional Islamic dress. Resettlement agencies may need to introduce and orient employers and school officials unfamiliar with these dress rules and other rules that place women in protected status.

Segregation and seclusion rules for the women may have to be addressed on acase-by-case basis depending on the resettlement situation. Initially, it will be difficult to have Rer Brava women engage in any activities outside of the home. As noted, Shangamas women do not practice seclusion.

Community cerebrations are important and volags may need to help refugees locate appropriate space for traditional events and cerebrations. Access to material (cloth and leather) which may be needed to carry on traditional crafts will become a very important issue if women are to continue with family businesses and contribute to self-sufficiency as they did in Somalia. Formal micro-businesses, particularly in sandals and other traditional craft, should be considered as a viable possibility in some cases.

MEDICAL ISSUES

The Tunni refugees are accustomed to western medical practices as well as traditional healing systems. The traditional healing systems that the Tunnis practice are of two types: the use of herbs and other natural plants, and the use of spiritual healing that relates to the Koran as well as some supernatural beliefs. Mental health problem are usually dealt with using the latter spiritual methods.

The Tunni refugees may have a number of medical problems. Many of these problems will relate to tropical diseases such as malaria and hepatitis-A. According to the Department of State officials, overseas medical screening is to include tropical disease protocols and everyone is said to be have been treated for such diseases before departure. In addition, appropriate vaccinations are to be administered to all refugees prior to departure.

Nutrition related health problems such as skin diseases (e.g. scurvy) and tape worms are prevalent in the refugee camps in Kenya. Moreover, the incidence of mental health problems resulting from the trauma of killing, rape and beatings is high among the Tunni refugees in Kenya. Particularly, the women and children often do not discuss how the such violence has affected them.

Another problem area is complications from female circumcision and infectious diseases affecting reproductive health of women. Women will need ongoing and adequate reproductive health services and education. Such health education was not always part of primary health care system in many parts of Somalia. It should be noted that Tunni women prefer female doctors and medical practitioners to attend their reproductive health needs.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

It is recommended that volags refer Tunni refugees to medical doctors with knowledge in dealing with tropical diseases. As a result of distrust or a lack of knowledge of certain western medicines, many refugees will not use or complete prescriptions medicine regiments that are required for many of these more chronic illnesses and diseases.

Addressing the mental health care needs of the refugees upon their arrival in the U.S. is essential. Early diagnosis and treatment of their problems will help ease in the transition and adaption to a new life and to earlier self sufficiency. Some adults may fail to obtain employment at the end of assistance period if this critical issue is ignored

Positive approaches in dealing with prevention of female circumcision should be adopted. Volags should give the Tunni refugees orientation on health complications that result from circumcision of young girls. The volags should avoid with this population, where possible, the use of the term female genital mutilation (FGM) which is legal terminology that stresses human rights violation. Tunnis practice circumcision not to violate but to enhance the status of their women in their community. Therefore, both education and understanding will be needed to help in these refugees transition to living under new laws and rules.

CONCLUSION

This series of ICP New Arrival Profiles is designed to provide accurate and useful information on smaller groups being resettled in the U.S. These profiles represents ICP’s and the various contributors’ best interpretation of cultural norms and behaviors that are present among the particular group we are profiling. We attempt to present each profile in a format that can be useful as a basic and culturally-specific guide to a refugee group. The current profile format was originally designed to answer the most important questions and issues that were raised by local voluntary and provider agency staff members in a 1996 survey and workshop. This was done in preparation to the arrival of the Kurdish refugees in that year. We feel that this format, using cultural categories and related resettlement issues, remains applicable for profiles of other newly arriving groups of refugees such as the Tunnis from Somalia.

ICP’s staff and contributors hope that this New Arrivals Profile will be a useful orientation and training document for resettlement and service provider agency staffs. ICP will complement this profile with half-day interactive distance learning technical assistance workshops at various sites throughout the country. These sessions will allow Somali specialists to present information and answer questions while directly interacting with resettlement and service provider staff. For further information, please contact Ron Kirby at ICP.

The Institute for Cultural Partnerships is a private, non-profit organization founded in 1995 and located in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. ICP’s mission is to build positive inter-group relations through innovative, community-based programs that promote understanding of cultural diversity. The core work and programs of ICP focus on: cultural heritage and folklife, cultural diversity, conflict resolution, inter-group relations, distance education as well as a number of refugee resettlement programs.

ICP serves organizations throughout the region and nation and currently has a number of projects and collaborations with immigration and refugee organizations. ICP is the coordinating agency for the Pennsylvania Forum which is an association of state organizations interested in refugee and immigration issues. Dr. Shalom Staub is the founder and CEO/President of ICP. Ron Kirby is ICP’s director of immigration and refugee services and is the project manager of the New Arrivals Profile series and was the co-writer of this Somali profile.

Fouzia Musse is a Somali native who has worked in community development projects for more than 12 years. She has worked for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and served Somali refugees in Kenya from 1993-95. She is currently working as the Neighborhood Visioning Coordinator for Lutheran Children and Family Services Neighborhood Development Project in West Philadelphia. Ms. Musse worked as a consultant to ICP while helping develop and co-write this Somali profile. She will also be available for the ICP distance education technical assistance workshops.

ICP wants to express our thanks to the many people, particularly national and local voluntary agency staff, that participated in the development and review of this profile. Your contributions added greatly to the quality of the final product.

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